Events in Serbia — another attempt by the West to organize a “color revolution” or something else?
For over eight months, protests have been ongoing in Serbia. During this time, several different theories have been proposed about the hidden forces driving these events. Some have claimed, for instance, that the US and the West are orchestrating another “color revolution,” or that the events in Serbia are unfolding according to a scenario developed by British and German intelligence services. There is even a version claiming that Russia is to blame. Or perhaps the Serbian authorities themselves are responsible for what’s happening?
Let’s recall how it all began. On November 1st, the canopy at the train station in Novi Sad — Serbia’s second-largest city — collapsed, killing 16 people. This tragic event sparked the protests, which initially took the form of peaceful civil demonstrations. Protesters accused the authorities of corruption and demanded an investigation into the incident. However, the opposition soon joined the protests and immediately put forward political demands. Students and their professors also joined, and the protests expanded beyond Novi Sad and Belgrade to other cities across Serbia.
The protests continued regularly and peacefully until March 15, 2025, when the largest demonstration took place in Belgrade. According to official information, over 110,000 people participated; unofficial sources claimed more than 300,000. In any case, it was unprecedented in terms of turnout. During this demonstration, law enforcement allegedly used a so-called “sound cannon,” which the Serbian authorities later denied in every possible way.
It is worth noting that the demands of the protesters are strictly political, the main one being the resignation of the government. So far, two ministers and Prime Minister Miloš Vučević have resigned. Vučević’s resignation was approved by the Serbian National Assembly (Skupština) on March 19 — after the March 15 protest.
Subsequently, the protesters called on civil society to unite around a single platform to hold early parliamentary elections and later demanded the dissolution of the Skupština and early elections. Ultimately, an ultimatum was announced, setting June 28 as the deadline for early elections. And June 28 carries special significance in Serbian history.
First and foremost, it is the date of the religious and national holiday Vidovdan [Saint Vitus Day – translator’s note]. Second, several major historical events for Serbia occurred on that day: the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, the start of the Second Balkan War in 1913, and the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand by Gavrilo Princip in 1914. In 2001, former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was extradited to the International Criminal Court in The Hague on that same day.
Image: kremlin ru
Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić responded very negatively to the ultimatum, stating that he would never yield to the demands of the protesters. The day after the June 28 protest, he said,
“I just don’t know what they [the protesters] were thinking. Did they really believe they were stronger than the state? No one is stronger than the state. How did you imagine that? What university did you graduate from?”
Also on June 29, Vučić declared victory over the protesters, but as we see, these victorious statements were premature. The protests not only continued but significantly radicalized. Young people in masks appeared at rallies, many of whom were involved in clashes with police.
On July 18, the Serbian president escalated his rhetoric, stating that those responsible for the attempted coup would soon be held accountable according to the law.
“A time for accountability must come, because too much evil and too many harmful acts have been committed against Serbia. The state suffered — not just in terms of tourism and the economy, but also in its overall image,” Vučić said.
The June 28 protest essentially marked a transition to a new, more radical phase. Protesters responded harshly to Vučić’s statements that “Serbia does not recognize ultimatums” and that the police were ready for “violence at the rally,” by declaring the government illegitimate and launching a nationwide campaign of civil disobedience.
As we can see, tensions in this Balkan country continue to rise, and the outcome of this nearly nine-month standoff between the state and the protesters remains unclear.
It’s worth noting that the protesters are not united, and their demands are often contradictory. Milan Lazović, program manager at the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC), commented, “There are those who criticize Vučić for allegedly betraying Russia, questioning the relationship with it, and giving up national interests in the situation with Kosovo. On the other hand, there are protesters who would like to see Serbia as a more active supporter of European integration.”
“I think Serbia’s current policy will create problems in its relations with Russia while Vučić remains in power, and it will also hinder our relations with the EU. This is neutral land, and this policy makes no sense,” said one student who participated in the protests.
Let’s now take a look at Vučić’s actual policies. First and foremost, he prioritizes the country’s economic well-being. There seems to be commendable, but people want more than just prosperity at home — they also want resolution on other, equally important issues. One of the most critical is the Kosovo situation, which many Serbs believe Vučić is giving up. Vučić’s small but frequent concessions in every conflict have led to clear dissatisfaction, especially among Serbs living in Kosovo and Metohija.
Vučić’s agreement to unblock the border crossings at Jarinje and Brnjak in exchange for the release of Serbian police officer Dejan Pantić by Kosovo authorities. This happened in early 2022, when Pristina decided to replace Serbian license plates with Kosovo plates. At that time, the conflict escalated to the point that the Serbian army was deployed to the Kosovo border. Serbs were ready for serious confrontation, and Vučić’s decision sparked significant discontent.
Another point worth mentioning is the not-so-smooth relationship between Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and the President of the Republika Srpska (in Bosnia and Herzegovina), Milorad Dodik. Although they do not show their disagreements publicly, their differences are undeniable.
Equally important is Serbia’s relationship with Russia. On one hand, Serbia is one of the few European countries that has not supported sanctions against Russia. On the other, Russian intelligence services have repeatedly accused Serbia of supplying weapons to Ukraine. Vučić has denied these accusations every time, but each denial sounds less and less convincing.
Vučić’s approach to the West is just as inconsistent. All of his statements about Serbia’s desire to join the EU seem unconvincing — after all, joining is impossible without recognizing Kosovo’s independence. But Vučić cannot recognize it, as doing so would spark revolt not just in Serbia, but also in the Republika Srpska.
Thus, Vučić’s ambigious and indecisive policy has become one of the key reasons for the protesters’ open desire to see the president and his party step down as soon as possible.
It’s clear that external forces hoping to exploit the situation are involved to some extent. But the appropriate situation was created by Serbia’s own government. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov noted, “We hope that Western countries, which usually try to take advantage of various internal developments in other countries to promote their interests at the expense of the other partners of those countries… will refrain from launching another color revolution this time.”
In conclusion, the prolonged protests in Serbia are primarily the result of Vučić’s policies — his attempt to pursue friendship with the EU, Russia, the USA, and China all at once. This led to the current situation. Who decided to take advantage of it — and how — that’s a different matter entirely.
By the way, Milorad Dodik is the complete opposite of Vučić in this regard. He has clearly set his priorities, with the protection of the Serbian people at the top. That’s why, in the current crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina — after Dodik was sentenced to five years in prison by the Bosnian court— all Serbs rose in his defense.
This is a translation of the article by Gennadiy Kotov first published on the Rossa Primavera News Agency website on July 21, 2025.
