Getting rid of Fyodorov suddenly became so important to Zelensky that he was willing to wipe out the entire cabinet of ministers to do so
During the color revolution in Kiev in 2013-2014, the people who usually appeared in the foreground were driven by all sorts of motives, but certainly not by ideals: Klitschko, Yatsenyuk, and others. The exception was Tyagnibok, one of the founders of a party with a very telling name — the Social-National Party of Ukraine, later renamed the All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda (organization banned in Russia), together with the Ukrainian neo-Nazi Yaroslav Andrushkiv.
In reality, decisions during this color revolution were made not at all by Klitschko and Yatsenyuk, who were simply a sort of “democratic decoration,” since it was somehow improper for official Western representatives to meet with the real leaders of the coup d’état at that time. When these representatives came to Kiev, they had to meet with Tyagnibok, who did not hide his commitment to neo-Nazi ideology. However, when the idea arose to invite opposition representatives to the Munich Security Conference on February 1, 2014, only Klitschko and Yatsenyuk went there, who dressed themselves in liberal togas.
This three-headed Hydra of Lerna, as embodied by Klitschko, Yatsenyuk, and Tyagnibok, was needed by the organizers of the coup d’état in Kiev in order to show the seemingly respectable faces of Klitschko and Yatsenyuk to the outside world and the population of Ukraine, on the one hand, and Tyagnibok’s neo-Nazi essence to the militants of the Euromaidan, on the other. Those who ran the color revolution, both inside and outside the Maidan square in Kiev, had little regard for Klitschko and Yatsenyuk. There is a known case when Klitschko, who tried to prevent some actions of the Maidan security forces, simply got a stream of powder from a fire extinguisher in his face.
After the coup d’état, Klitschko and Yatsenyuk, as overseers from Germany and the United States, received lucrative posts as payment for providing “democratic entourage,” but did not make brilliant careers. Yatsenyuk, believing that he was paid in full, left Ukraine altogether after some time, taking with him what he had “earned.” Klitschko firmly settled in Kiev, but was not allowed to develop further political success, although he also had presidential ambitions.
Tyagnibok did not benefit from the succeeded coup d’état in Kiev, he just went into the shadows, sank to the bottom, perhaps only for the time being. According to rumors, he joined either the Ukrainian Armed Forces or some nationalist battalion with the rank of major after the start of Russia’s special military operation. Andrushkiv also formally left politics and became a businessman.
The population of Ukraine reconciled rather quickly with the idea that Stepan Bandera, who had previously been considered a fascist lackey, was in fact a holy fighter for “independence,” but hanging portraits of Adolf Schicklgruber on walls is still not ready. If in the 2012 elections to the Verkhovnaya Rada the officially neo-Nazi party Svoboda (organization banned in Russia) received 37 mandates, then in 2014, in the re-elections due to the coup, only 7 in majoritarian districts. In the last elections, in 2019, Svoboda (organization banned in Russia) managed to get only one person into the Rada.
Despite massive brainwashing of Ukraine’s population, people who remembered the Great Patriotic War still remained in the country for a long time, and although they too were not strangers to false patriotism, the word “Nazi” did not evoke positive associations in them at all.
However, even they, not to mention the rest of the population, when they hear or read that the goal of Russia’s special military operation is the denazification of Ukraine, are sincerely surprised and even indignant, saying “where did you find Nazis in Ukraine?” Meaning at the same time that those in power in Ukraine do not openly swear allegiance to the ideas of Hitler and Himmler, and at the head of the country there is generally a representative of the people towards whom the German Nazis had a hostile attitude.
The fact that the majority of the country’s population looks at the world through neo-Nazi glasses, the population itself, of course, does not realize, as the Persian proverb says, a drowning man is not troubled by rain.
One of the hobbies of the current head of Ukraine is that he likes to make reshuffles in the power structures. Whether he is captivated by the very opportunity to move people like pieces on a board, or he is afraid of conspiracies. From the beginning of Russia’s special military operation to the present, Ukraine has seen five prime ministers, three foreign ministers, three interior ministers, four heads of the SBU, five ministers of defense, and three commanders-in-chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
With all these reshuffles, there were, of course, those who were satisfied and dissatisfied, but none of the reshuffles were accompanied by as much information noise as those that took place in July 2026.
Zelensky once again shuffled the deck of cards and threw out as many as four cards at once.
First, he asked Yulia Sviridenko, who had served as prime minister for a year, to leave. She had come to the cabinet of ministers from the position of deputy head of Zelensky’s office, Yermak. On July 18, 2025, the French newspaper Le Monde wrote that, according to its information, Yulia Sviridenko had begun preparing to take the prime minister’s chair long before Zelensky announced such a decision.
According to the publication, the head of the presidential office, Andrey Yermak, in order to prepare her for this role, invited Sviridenko to his team for joint development of the country’s economic strategy. It was precisely to “test” the future prime minister that Zelensky often gave the floor to the Minister of Economy Sviridenko during important meetings and public appearances.
An important bonus of the 39-year-old prime minister was that she had developed good relations with the US administration: she personally signed the famous “mineral resources deal.” According to a number of analysts, it was precisely this that served as the main reason for Sviridenko’s rise up the career ladder.
Upon taking office, Sviridenko, under Yermak’s leadership, carried out the largest purge of the cabinet of ministers since the beginning of Russia’s special military operation, in order to fill it with people close to Zelensky.
Then Sviridenko was removed so swiftly for some reason that the faithful Denis Shmygal had to sit in the prime minister’s chair for a couple of days so that the seat would not be empty while a successor was found. Apparently, the bench was rather empty. The reason for Sviridenko’s resignation could well have been that, by and large, the only thing she was remembered for by the people and the world as prime minister was the development of a law on the decriminalization of pornography, but the matter was different.
On July 16, the Ukrainian Rada appointed Sergey Koretsky as Prime Minister of Ukraine, who had previously served for a year as chairman of the board of Naftogaz of Ukraine. As ill tongues say, Koretsky, who rapidly rose over a quarter of a century from the position of analyst at the Continuum”holding, owned by Ukrainian billionaire Igor Yeremeyev, was always distinguished by great scrupulousness: he accepted “meaningful” bribes and regularly shared with his superiors. He was also in close relations with the hero of a recent corruption scandal, Timur Mindich, which is often referred as “Zelensky’s wallet.”
Presenting Koretsky, Zelensky said that he is the “most prepared” candidate for the office of Prime Minister of Ukraine in the conditions of the approaching winter. Knowing Ukrainian realities, we will add that year season does not play any role here, but it is always important to have your own person where financial flows flow. Let us recall that the oil and gas sector of Ukraine is a well-known incubator of Ukrainian billionaires.
The new Prime Minister of Ukraine Sergey Koretsky really proved himself to be a very qualified manager, but only in the field of catering organization.
He made his business reputation as the general director of the Ukrainian gas station chain WOG, whose distinctive feature was decent snack bars, “just like in Europe.” In 2022, he became a top manager of Naftogaz, and rose to prime minister after that.
According to several analysts, Zelensky was not aiming at Sviridenko at all, he was aiming at the Minister of Defense of Ukraine Mykhail Fyodorov. Removing Fyodorov turned out to be so important for Zelensky that he was ready to wipe out the entire cabinet of ministers for this.
Until July 2026, Fyodorov was Zelensky’s confidant and close ally. He first entered, or perhaps was brought into, Zelensky’s team assembled for the election campaign back in 2018. He was 27 years old at the time. Zelensky’s team of 2018 can only be conditionally called a team assembled by Zelensky. It was a team assembled by someone to put the showman in the presidential chair.
Those who bet on Zelensky as President of Ukraine understood well that, starting with Obama’s elections, presidential campaigns were increasingly turning from a struggle of political programs into a show designed to emotionally influence voters. The young talented adventurer Fyodorov fit perfectly into this team.
As Fyodorov later recounted, Zelensky only made the final decision to enter the race for the presidency in the summer of 2018, and his team supposedly had no idea about the campaign strategy yet, although in reality Zelensky’s promotion to power began no later than 2015, when the rather talentedly made comedy series Servant of the People was released on screens, literally hammering into the minds of Ukrainians the image of Zelensky as a sort of Hercules, called to clean out the Augean stables of Ukrainian politics.
In 2022, Fyodorov suspiciously easily got in touch with multi-billionaire Elon Musk, simply sending him, according to Fyodorov, only one email on Twitter. According to the legend, close relations eventually developed between them, as kindred spirits, and as a result, Musk provided the Ukrainian Armed Forces with access to Starlink satellite internet in a short time. Subsequently, when Russia also began using Starlink, it was Fyodorov, according to him, who came up with the idea of suggesting to Musk to close Russia’s access to Starlink by introducing “white lists.”
Fyodorov’s version looks highly questionable, however, his connection with Musk does indeed exist.
By the time he began his ministerial career, despite his youth, Fyodorov was no longer such a commoner; he was already well integrated into specific international structures. Having graduated in 2014 from the Faculty of Sociology and Management of Zaporozhye National University, he then underwent training under the Higher Political School program of the Ukrainian Center for Political Research and Analysis with the support of the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation (organization designated as undesirable in Russia, training in the digital transformation strategy program at Yale School of Management (USA), and graduated from the NATO educational school in Ukraine.
In January 2026, the Telegram channel SHOT reported that it had gained access to materials from the criminal case of the Dnepropetrovsk Cyberpolice Department, from which it followed that Fyodorov, until 2022, played an important role in one of the fraudulent groups created in his home city of Zaporozhye. Fyodorov and his organized criminal group were most successful in the years before the start of Russia’s special military operation. The scammers created a website dedicated to the unique method of rapid weight loss Innocentr and promoted it by selling fake weight-loss drugs.
Fyodorov played a key role in this scam. He was engaged in internet advertising, removed negative reviews, and found clients with fatter wallets. The enterprise also brought in a steady income from classic Ukrainian phone scams under the guise of law enforcement, in which the future minister supplied his “colleagues” with the phone numbers of potential victims with money.
As it became known, Fyodorov and his accomplices scammed people for several years. The call center industry operating in Ukraine is essentially covered by the state and is not prosecuted by law enforcement; it employs more than fifty thousand people, and it brings its owners up to a billion dollars monthly. However, in some strange way, the police smashed Fyodorov’s center, all call center employees were sentenced to significant prison terms under the article “fraud on an especially large scale,” except for Fyodorov.
By that time, Fedorov had already entered Zelensky’s headquarters, and after the latter’s victory in the presidential election, the young adventurer’s career took off:
May 2019 — freelance adviser to the president on digitalization issues;
July 2019 — People’s Deputy of the Verkhovnaya Rada of Ukraine;
August 2019 — Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Digital Transformation of Ukraine.
Since March 2021, Mikhail Fyodorov has been a member of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine.
All this time, the Innocentr website continued to operate.
On January 2, 2026, Vladimir Zelensky announced that he had proposed to the Minister of Digital Transformation of Ukraine Mikhail Fyodorov to become the new Minister of Defense, adding that Fyodorov is “deeply involved in drone issues” and digitalization. Earlier, he stated that he wanted to “change the format of work” of the defense department. In this way, Zelensky managed to kill several birds with one stone: the department itself becomes more manageable, with a brilliant and very loyal embezzling schemer.
Zelensky put his man in the most lucrative position in Ukraine, removing Denis Shmygal from there, and thus prepared for the receipt of the $90 billion promised by Europe.
Previously, Fyodorov had already tried to break into politics on his own, but his party “5.10” did not get the necessary votes in 2014. In 2018, Fyodorov was already smarter and joined Zelensky’s election team. Six months later, after the comedian’s victory in the elections, he was elected to the Verkhovnaya Rada. And a year later, he became the youngest minister in the country’s history. A new ministry of “digital transformation” of Ukraine was created for him.
Zelensky set the new Minister of Defense the task of compensating for the personnel shortage with new weapons technologies using artificial intelligence.
Fyodorov announced that he intended to solve the problem of the Territorial Center of Recruitment and Social Support (TCR), carry out military reform, and find money to increase the financial support of the military.
He took under his wing the “Army of Drones” project, for which huge sums from Kiev and the US were allocated, choosing as the main supplier some company that had never been involved in the production of equipment. It sold carpets.
Fyodorov created an online drone assembly course, offering Ukrainian citizens to assemble drones themselves for further shipment to the front. It was assumed that Ukrainians would assemble the devices at their own expense and hand them over to specially appointed “trusted persons.”
The main thing Fedorov did as Minister of Defense was that he fell out badly with the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine Syrsky, reducing army funding under the pretext of redirecting cash flows to work on creating unmanned aerial vehicles. Formally, this was explained by the idea of transferring the war to the sphere of confrontation between robotic systems, which has become very popular recently and is worthy of consideration.
This led to the fact that army command was pushed away from the money tap in favor of the Ministry of Defense, and Fyodorov began to take too vast bribes, perhaps sharing not in the expected proportion.
Due to the lack of funds for purchasing relevant products at inflated prices, he decided to use for this purpose money going to salaries and other contract payments to military personnel. It is not ruled out that other items of the active army’s budget also suffered, which caused a harsh reaction from the now former Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Fyodorov did not give in; as a result, the conflict escalated to the level where someone had to resign.
The next move of the new minister, logically stemming from the proposal to change the format of the war, as well as from Zelensky’s statements that Kiev had already ensured a turning point on the battlefield, was the reform of the TCR, announced by Fyodorov.
Fyodorov proposed to resubordinate the TCR system to the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense and create two offices instead of one Fyodorov: a recruitment office, which would take over the issues of military registration and mobilization activities, and a support office, which would deal exclusively with social support for military personnel, their families and veterans, as well as payments.
The most scandalous work of the Fyodorov, for which its employees received the nickname “people catchers” – the delivery of draft notices – was proposed to be entrusted either to police officers, or to representatives of local self-government bodies, or to employers, or even to utility workers, none of whom was delighted by this.
The implementation of the reform was also supposed to lead to an increase in the cash flow controlled by Fyodorov, but this was not the greatest danger for Zelensky. It is difficult to say how good Fyodorov was at leading a military ministry in a country at war, but he is certainly a good specialist in PR campaigns. The campaign he conducted to advertise the strategy of replacing people on the battlefield with robotic systems, as well as stopping the catching of people like dogs on the streets of Ukrainian cities and towns and throwing them into trenches, led to an unprecedented growth in his popularity among ordinary Ukrainians.
After six months, the relationship between Fedorov and Zelensky soured.
At the same time, journalists from the publication Strana ua see the main reason for Fyodorov’s dismissal not even in the fact that he began to take too vast bribes, but in the fact that Zelensky feared a sharp rise in the minister’s popularity, his independence in decision-making, and sympathy for him from Western countries. In circles close to NABU and SAP, European structures and the US Democratic Party, Fyodorov was practically openly being groomed as the next president of Ukraine.
Zelensky felt a threat from him not only to his wallet but to his life: Fyodorov’s actions were very reminiscent of the beginning of a presidential campaign. Fyodorov joined the ranks of Zelensky’s real competitors: Zaluzhny, Usik, and now Fyodorov as well.
Having accused Fyodorov of disrupting the TCR reform and of conflict with Syrsky, Zelensky, having previously replaced Sviridenko with Koretsky, dismissed both of the conflicting parties -Fyodorov and Syrsky.
The unprincipled Russian military professional Syrsky showed no political ambitions and carried out Zelensky’s orders even to the detriment of military expediency, but dismissing both apparently was a part of the agreement with Ukraine’s masters.
On July 16, protests began in the largest cities of Ukraine due to the resignation of Mikhail Fyodorov. They have not yet become mass: in Kyiv and Lvov, approximately one thousand people each took to the streets; in Dnepropetrovsk, Poltava, Lutsk, Ternopol, Chernigov, Kryvoy Rog, and Odessa – several hundred each.
Western publications also came to Fyodorov’s defense. The Wall Street Journal published an article reminding that previously Zelensky had already been forced to abandon restrictions on the powers of independent anti-corruption bodies after street protests and pressure from Western allies.
Le Monde stated that Zelensky, by removing the “extremely popular” minister, whose work the publication calls “brilliant,” “caused outrage among Ukrainian politicians, military personnel, and citizens.”
European Commissioner for Defense Andrius Kubilius called the resignation of Mikhail Fyodorov a big surprise and stated that the European Union (EU) had always closely cooperated with the Ukrainian minister.
German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul stated that he intends to discuss the personnel changes in the leadership of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) with the acting head of the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry, Andrey Sibiga.
Cautious support for Fedorov was also expressed by the head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, Kirill Budanov (included in the list of terrorists and extremists on the territory of Russia).
The campaign in support of Fyodorov was picked up and expanded by the media of the Ukrainian oligarchy, which tried to turn it directly against Zelensky. In these media, the pathetic protests of a few dozen (at most a few hundred people) in support of Fyodorov are assessed as being thousands strong.
Zelensky bought off the pressure from Western curators by officially dismissing Aleksandr Syrsky from the post of Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine on July 22 and appointing Mikhail Drapaty, a supporter of Fyodorov, to this post. Drapaty’s name stood next to Fyodorov’s name on protesters’ cardboards.
By another decree, Zelensky officially appointed Major General Igor Skibiyuk to the post of Chief of the General Staff of the AFU. He appointed Aleksandr Poklad as the head of the SBU, a man whom a former Prime Minister of Ukraine described as having a “very dark reputation even inside Ukraine.”
Zelensky, as usual, acted in circumvention of the Constitution. He appointed Yevgen Khmara, an SBU officer, as acting head of the Ministry of Defense without the submission.
Azarov wrote that “a sadist, a neo-Nazi, even harsher than the dismissed Fyodorov, has been placed in the Ministry of Defense. If the ambitious Fyodorov was always striving upward, then Khmara will not strive anywhere, he will calmly conduct raids on the population. He is characterized by sadism and cruelty, he will throw all his forces into mobilization.”
According to Azarov, these reshuffles fit into the West’s strategy of strengthening the Nazification of Ukraine.
When Syrsky came to the AFU, he was not a convinced Nazi, just a cynical military man, offended by Russia for something: either his career was not working out, or the leadership did not understand him, or all at once. For Syrsky, apparently, participation in countering Russia’s special military operation was an opportunity to show Russia what a cadres it had lost, and he did his best. Syrskyi is a native of Vladimir Region in Russia, graduated from a higher military educational institution and took the military oath in Moscow, therefore he may be subject to charges of treason against the homeland and the military oath.
Syrsky’s professionalism is evidenced by the fact that he turned out to be the only Ukrainian general who forced the Russian Armed Forces to retreat during Kharkov Operation of 2022, not of their own accord, but under enemy pressure. This is probably the largest and most fleeting offensive operation of this war, carried out after the “Istanbul” stabilization of the front.
In Russia, a criminal case has been initiated against Syrsky for the use of prohibited methods of warfare that resulted in mass casualties among civilians. The Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia put Syrsky on the wanted list, and he was arrested in absentia by the Basmanny District Court of Moscow.
Syrsky has a reputation as an extremely tough commander, sometimes demanding from the units entrusted to him more than they can actually achieve, and has the nicknames “General 200,” “Kotyol” (Cauldron), and “The Butcher.”
Unlike Syrsky, who received a high-quality Soviet military education and made several rather successful decisions during his tenure as Ukraine’s Commander-in-Chief, Drapaty belongs to the younger generation of commanders formed by the war. In 2004, he graduated from the Kharkov Institute of Tank Troops; in 2019, he was sent to study at the National Defense Academy of Ukraine, where he studied for two years. Upon graduation from the academy, he was recognized as the best graduate of the operational-strategic level and received, kneeling, the Queen of Great Britain’s ceremonial sword from the hands of the British Ambassador to Ukraine, Melinda Simmons.
He was not popular among the military; many consider him a coward and an opportunist.
Drapaty and Fyodorov are united by one thing, they are both products of “independent Ukraine”; unlike many representatives of Ukraine’s highest elite, they have no Soviet past, unlike Zelensky himself, who in the 1990s had already established himself as a successful comedian throughout the post-Soviet space.
Zelensky, upon assuming the presidency of Ukraine, was not a neo-Nazi. Zelensky’s only ideals have always been popularity and money. In April 2014, after Acting President of Ukraine Aleksandr Turchinov declared punitive operations on April 7 in response to the seizure of regional administrations in Kharkov, Donetsk and Lugansk, as well as SBU buildings in Lugansk and Donetsk, the comedian Zelensky, while on tour with the 95 Kvartal team in Donetsk, said that he and his group “cannot in principle be against the Russian people, because we are one people.”
Drapaty and Fyodorov are convinced neo-Nazis, perhaps not yet esoteric, but neo-Nazi ideals are the essence of their nature, and they have proven this both in word and in deed.
Immediately after the start of Russia’s special military operation, at the end of February 2022, Fyodorov publicly addressed Apple CEO Tim Cook with a call to stop supplies of products to Russia and restrict Russian users’ access to the App Store.
Having already become Minister of Defense, he threatened to “turn Crimea into an island.”
In May 2014, being a major and battalion commander leaving Mariupol, Drapaty drove an BMP-2 that broke through the barricades, which had become one of the first symbols of resistance, and rushed straight at the civilians standing behind them.
Ukrainian media spun another of his “feats”: in August of the same year, he broke out of the encirclement near Izvarino in the Lugansk People’s Republic. For fleeing the encirclement near Izvarino in 2014, he received the rank of lieutenant colonel. He is now a major general.
In September 2016, in a drunken stupor, which happened to him quite often, he gave the order to shell civilians in the city of Yasinovataya.
In November 2024, he was promoted to Commander of the Land Forces of the AFU.
Having become Commander of the Land Forces of the AFU, he, in particular, introduced a new practice: recruiting women from prisons.
“The population there is not conscientious. In terms of Ukrainization, probably, little attention was paid there. And that’s the result we have,” Drapaty stated, speaking about Donbass, in an interview with the YouTube channel Ukraїner W.
He also added that the residents of Donbass “crave easy money.” According to Drapaty, most people in the DPR and LPR do not want to work and are indifferent to which country they live in. He called the residents of Donbass the “belching of the USSR.”
Drapaty, like his predecessor, has a reputation among Ukrainian military personnel as a “butcher general” who does not spare personnel. He is an openly media-oriented person, prone to public conflicts and demonstrative gestures. As well as posturing and pathos.
In June 2025, after a Russian strike on a training ground in Dnepropetrovsk Region, where 12 servicemen died, Drapaty demonstratively resigned. As Ukrainian media wrote at the time, the real reason was a conflict with Syrsky.
In 2016, the Investigative Committee of Russia opened a case against Drapaty under Article 356 of the Criminal Code (“Use of prohibited means and methods of warfare”). From 2016 to 2019, he commanded the 58th Separate Motorized Infantry Brigade, as a result of whose activities 154 civilians were killed and wounded.
According to military experts, the convinced Banderite Drapatyi does not possess any special military leadership talents, but he, in fact, does not need them.
The role of Ukrainian commanders-in-chief is purely technical. As US General Chris Donahue, who became famous for being the last US serviceman to leave Afghanistan, stated in an interview with The New York Times in March 2025, the plans for all major operations of the Ukrainian Armed Forces are developed at the headquarters of US bases located in Büchel and Ramstein. The political decision on operations and weapons supplies is made by the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, also known as the “Ramstein format.”
Control over the execution of operations developed in Ramstein and coordination of the actions of the AFU command with NATO headquarters are assigned to the Command for the Coordination of Support for Ukraine, headed by US General Antonio Aguto, who is almost permanently in Kiev as a consultant or adviser to Zelensky. Aguto took over as commander of the Security Assistance Group-Ukraine (SAGU) in early December 2023. He managed to become scandalously famous for losing secret documents while intoxicated in May 2024.
There is no doubt that the main character of the entire Ukrainian personnel fuss of recent days is not Drapaty, Syrsky, or Fyodorov, but Zelensky himself, and Zelensky understands this. The recently removed Minister of Defense Fyodorov is a person very close to Western sponsors and their structures. These structures are also behind the so-called street protests: first “Mindichgate,” then protests against restrictions on NABU, and finally, the “cardboard Maidan” against Fedorov’s resignation. Unlike the protests against the TCR, for some reason no one dispersed these actions.
We began this article by showing how the neo-Nazi essence of Ukraine was covered by a thin, more or less decent veil of so-called “democratic people.” What has been happening lately shows that this veil is being torn off, and uncovered neo-Nazi Ukraine is emerging to the surface. And Zelensky no longer suits this neo-Nazi Ukraine and its curators.
This is a translation of the article by Mikhail Nesteryuk, first published on Rossa Primavera News Agency web site.
