Split in the right-wing camp. Will new party change Italian politics?

General Vannacci leaves the Lega party and creates his own right-wing party

Until recently, Roberto Vannacci seemed to be a stroke of luck for Italy’s Lega right-wing party. A former general, known for his striking appearances on television talk shows, he quickly became one of the most popular figures of Matteo Salvini’s party and helped it regain part of the radical right electorate. Last week, Roberto Vannacci turned into Salvini’s rival: he announced that he was leaving the Lega and simultaneously launching his own movement, Futuro Nazionale (National Future), explaining that his path no longer coincides with Salvini’s.

At first glance, this may look like a personal conflict between two politicians. But the consequences could be much broader. The general takes with him not only a portion of the vote, but also a harder right-wing agenda that until recently resounded from within the ruling camp. At stake is the future of the Lega itself and the fragile balance of Giorgia Meloni’s governing coalition ahead of the 2027 elections.

Why Vannacci left

Vannacci himself explains the split primarily for political reasons.

First and foremost, he disagrees with the party’s line on Ukraine. The general opposes military aid to Kiev and openly criticizes votes in which the Lega supports the government’s pro-Ukrainian course. The conflict escalated around one of the resolutions on Ukraine: Vannacci effectively called for going against the coalition’s common line. Notably, at the end of 2025 Salvini himself had spoken out against supporting Ukraine, yet in the end his party voted otherwise.

Second, Vannacci accuses Salvini of “not keeping promises.” He refers to pension reform and social issues: according to Vannacci, the leader of the Lega promised for years to abolish the reform, but ultimately reconciled himself to keeping it for the sake of coalition unity. Similar complaints concern family issues and “traditional values” — the general believes the party has become too soft and made compromises.

In addition, Vannacci spoke about his personal experience within the Lega. He complained that he was kept away from real decision-making, recalled conflicts at the local level, and described a feeling that he was treated as a convenient symbol rather than an independent politician. As a result, he now calls himself “a right-winger who does not want to be moderate” and is creating Futuro Nazionale as a platform for a harder right-wing agenda.

How the Lega perceives it

The Lega leadership presents a different version of events.

Salvini emphasizes that it was the party that gave Vannacci his political opportunity: it made him a candidate in the European elections, brought him into the European Parliament, and appointed him vice-secretary. In return, teamwork and loyalty were expected. Instead, according to Salvini, the party had to “solve problems and scandals” associated with the general for months.

Particular irritation was caused by the registration of Futuro Nazionale even before the official break. In the Lega, this was perceived as preparation for creating a personal party while retaining all positions within the old one. Regional leaders such as Luca Zaia stated that Vannacci “was never truly a team member” and from the very beginning pursued his own plan.

A separate issue is his mandate as a Member of the European Parliament. Salvini demands that the general, having left the party, also give up the mandate, reminding him that voters supported the Lega list. Vannacci replied that those were his personal votes. For the party leadership, this is further proof that the general views the mandate and the party as resources for a personal career rather than a collective project.

What Futuro Nazionale is and whose votes it takes

Vannacci’s new project positions itself as an even more right-wing and uncompromising alternative to existing forces. Current statements on party’s program are dominated by themes of national sovereignty, security, the fight against political correctness, and rejection of compromises. The general speaks of the goal of achieving a double-digit result in the election and becoming the “true right,” rather than an appendage to the current ruling bloc.

Initial polls show that Futuro Nazionale will start at around 4–4.2% support. What matters is where these percentages come from. According to YouTrend data and other surveys, votes are mainly taken from Giorgia Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia and from the Lega, and to a slightly lesser extent from Forza Italia. The impact on left-wing and centrist parties is minimal for now. In other words, Vannacci is not expanding the overall right-wing camp, but reshaping it from within.

Analysts note that his electorate consists primarily of disillusioned right-wing voters: those irritated by concessions to Brussels, the pro-Ukrainian line, and the softer tone of the governing coalition. There is also a segment of people who previously did not vote at all, but no significant influx from other ideological camps is visible so far.

Consequences for the Lega

For the Lega, Vannacci’s departure is both a risk and an opportunity. The risk is obvious: the party is losing a bright, recognizable figure who knew how to attract attention and gathered around him a more radical right voters. According to polls, some of these voters are already ready to follow the general’s new project. Against the backdrop of already complicated relations with Fratelli d’Italia, this may reinforce the sense that the Lega is gradually losing ground.

But there is also an argument that Salvini may benefit in the long term. Within the party, dissatisfaction had long been growing that the loudest and most controversial voice, associated with extreme statements, was under its banner. Now that agenda leaves with him. The Lega gains a chance to refresh its image, focus on its governing experience in northern Italy, and win back some more moderate voters who had moved to Meloni and Tajani precisely because of the radicalization of rhetoric.

Thus, the scenario for the Lega is ambivalent. In the coming months, the party will most likely pay with a loss of some votes on the right flank. But if Salvini manages to use the moment for internal renewal and builds a clearer, less scandal-ridden course, Vannacci’s departure could prove not only a defeat but also an opportunity in the medium term.

How this will affect the governing coalition

For Giorgia Meloni and her coalition, the risk is also evident: a new force appears on the right, competing for the same electorate. International media are already calling Vannacci’s departure “a problem for Meloni,” emphasizing that by the 2027 elections the right-wing camp may become more fragmented. The more right-wing parties compete for similar voters, the harder it will be to assemble a stable majority.

Polls confirm that part of Futuro Nazionale’s votes comes directly from Fratelli d’Italia, thus hitting Meloni’s party. Political scientist Luca Orsina points out that combined with other factors (economic difficulties, the referendum, fatigue with the government), this could increase pressure on the prime minister and push her toward the need for new alliances and agreements within the right-wing camp.

On the other hand, there are advantages. Vannacci’s departure makes the government more predictable for the EU and NATO partners. The harshest pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian statements now come not from within the coalition but from an external player. For Meloni, who is building an image as a reliable ally of Kiev, this is a relief: it becomes easier for her to explain in Brussels that radical voices are in the opposition, not at the Council of Ministers’ table.

The fate of Vannacci’s project and its impact on Italy will depend on several factors: whether Futuro Nazionale can maintain its initial rating, whether Vannacci will succeed in building a real nationwide organization, and whether the new movement will find a stable place in the right-wing camp.

This is a translation of the article by Anton Kopnin first published on Rossa Primavera News Agency web-site.