06.09.2026, Russia.
The Arctic region is rapidly turning into an arena of intense geopolitical rivalry.
In March 2020, Russian President Vladimir Putin approved the “Foundations of the State Policy of the Russian Federation in the Arctic for the Period up to 2035,” and in October 2020, the “Strategy for the Development of the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation and Ensuring National Security for the Period up to 2035” was approved.
These documents set clear goals and objectives for Russia in the Arctic over the long term, defining a new stage in the region’s development. A symbolic step confirming these plans was the commissioning in October 2020 of the newest nuclear-powered icebreaker “Arktika,” the most powerful in the world at that time.
Another landmark event opening a new stage in Arctic shipping and the development of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) was the first international commercial voyage — on August 19, the container ship “Xin Xin Hai 1,” owned by the Chinese shipping company New New Shipping Line (NNSL), arrived at the port of Murmansk for the first time, delivering about 500 containers with automotive components. On the return journey to Southeast Asia, the vessel took on board 26.4 thousand tons of potash fertilizers from a Russian producer. The voyage was the result of an agreement between NNSL and the authorities of the Murmansk region, signed at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF) 2025.
The economic importance of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) for Russia and global trade can hardly be overestimated. It is turning from a national transport artery into one of the key global logistics projects, opening up new opportunities for many countries around the world.
The main value of the NSR lies in the significant reduction in distance and delivery time of goods between Europe and Asia. The distance from Murmansk to Shanghai via the NSR is about 7,300 km, while via the Suez Canal it is more than 11,200 km. This shortens the route by more than one and a half times. In some cases, for example from China to the UK, travel time can be reduced from 40 to 18 days. The shorter route directly leads to savings in fuel and travel time, which is especially important for cargo sensitive to delivery deadlines. The NSR is becoming an attractive alternative due to the congestion of the Suez Canal, as well as in the context of geopolitical instability and threats in regions such as the Red Sea or the Strait of Hormuz.
“New Space”
The development of the Arctic has fundamental, multi-level significance for Russia, extending far beyond mere resource extraction. In essence, the Arctic is viewed as a key strategic framework determining the country’s future in economic, defense, and technological aspects. Murmansk Region Governor Andrey Chibis called this region the “new space,” emphasizing its critical importance for national security, geopolitics, and the economy.
The Arctic is a gigantic storehouse of natural resources, which forms the basis for many sectors of the Russian economy and is a source of a significant portion of export revenues: about 80% of Russia’s gas production and a significant share of oil are concentrated here. According to scientists’ estimates, initial recoverable resources on the Arctic shelf are estimated at 57 billion tons of oil and 100 trillion cubic meters of free gas.
In the Arctic zone, 100% of Russia’s rare earth metals are mined, as well as nickel, cobalt, platinum group metals, copper, and lithium. The contribution of the raw materials sector to the economy of the Arctic regions is colossal: for the Yamalo-Nenets Okrug it accounts for 70% of GRP, and for Chukotka — 47%. The Arctic region, home to 2.5 million people, produces no less than 10% of national GDP.
The development of the Northern Sea Route also demonstrates impressive dynamics. Over the past 10 years, cargo traffic along the NSR has grown almost 10-fold, reaching 37 million tons in 2025. In 2026, growth continued: in the first eight months, 24.2 million tons of cargo were already transported, which is 15% more than in the same period last year. It is planned that by 2035 cargo traffic will reach 238 million tons, and by the 2030s, Russia’s annual income from the Arctic could be about $100 billion ($1 trillion per decade). The economic importance of the NSR is not limited to transit. It is a driver for the development of entire industries and regions in the field of resource development, as well as infrastructure and industrial development.
The military-strategic importance of the Arctic region is also great. The Arctic represents the shortest trajectory for the flight of intercontinental ballistic missiles between North America and Eurasia. Control over airspace and the creation of a powerful air defense system in the region is the “main shield” for the country in the most severe scenario.
International interest
Interest in the NSR from non-Arctic states has grown significantly, primarily as an alternative route. China is actively using the NSR, viewing it as part of its “Polar Silk Road” concept and seeing it as a real alternative to congested southern routes.
India plans to send its first cargo ship via the NSR in 2027, assessing it as a way to diversify routes and increase supply chain resilience. However, experts note that for some destinations, the NSR does not provide time savings compared to traditional routes, and India’s interest is more related to risk diversification.
Prospects for cooperation also exist with Brazil, Indonesia, Iran, and other BRICS countries. South Korea and Singapore are showing interest in joint work, despite their participation in the sanctions campaign.
Arctic development – a challenge for the West
Naturally, such prospects for the development of the Russian Arctic are causing serious concern among Western countries and especially NATO member states, whose goal is to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, in his article on international cooperation in the Arctic, noted that “the NATO members and other Westerners do not hide their true motives, declaring the task of turning the Arctic into a new front of confrontation to contain the development of our country and its like-minded people.“
Western countries are increasing their military presence in the Arctic and stepping up efforts to obstruct Russia’s economic activities in the region, which creates direct security threats.
Lavrov recalled that in February 2026, NATO launched Operation “Arctic Sentry,” aimed at expanding its military presence in the Arctic. In close proximity to Russia’s northern borders, intensified military preparations are underway: large-scale exercises of an aggressive nature are being conducted with the involvement of non-regional countries, and new elements of NATO’s command and control structure are appearing.
NATO’s updated Arctic strategy has an openly anti-Russian orientation, where Russia’s defense policy and protection of national sovereignty in the Arctic were named the “main threat to the stability and security of the region.” As Russian Navy Commander-in-Chief Alexander Moiseev noted earlier, “in fact, the current theoretical documents of the United States, Canada, Denmark, the United Kingdom, Norway, and France are aimed at the gradual militarization of the Arctic and the expansion of military infrastructure and exercises with the aim of preparing for offensive military operations.“
European countries are not only transferring the levers of control to the United States, but are also expanding unhindered access to dozens of their military facilities in the region that interests the Americans in the context of containing Russia. The infrastructure of allied national bases is being actively modernized to receive and support large groupings of US troops.
The Role of the United States in the Militarization of the Arctic
On March 9, large-scale NATO military exercises “Cold Response 2026” officially started in Norway and Finland. The exercises involved a total of about 25,000 soldiers from 14 NATO member states. These are large-scale military exercises covering land, sea, air, network, multi-domain joint combat exercises in space. The purpose of the exercises is to strengthen military presence and practice operations in Arctic conditions. The Russian side views such exercises as having an openly anti-Russian orientation and aimed at the militarization of the region.
The Pentagon’s budget for 2026 includes funds for the modernization of the Pituffik space base in Greenland. A new navigation system will be installed there, which will allow receiving aircraft from the Scandinavian side and enhance control over the air corridor used by Russian strategic bombers. At the same time, at the Norwegian Rygge air base, they plan to build protected shelters and expand parking areas for heavy aircraft.
Another Norwegian facility — the Arctic Evenes base — has already turned into a hub for P-8 Poseidon anti-submarine aircraft. Oslo financed the construction of a five-bay apron and aircraft maintenance hangars there. The infrastructure is ready to receive American and British aircraft, which can carry up to 129 acoustic buoys, as well as anti-ship missiles and torpedoes. As a result, Evenes is becoming a key NATO anti-submarine warfare base aimed at deterring Russia’s Northern Fleet.
Alaska remains the main US stronghold in the Arctic. At the Elmendorf-Richardson base, a $309 million project is being completed: the runway is being extended by 900 meters, new taxiways and aprons are being built to remove weight restrictions for arriving aircraft. To do this, a hill had to be cut down and 9 million cubic meters of soil moved. Such a volume of work suggests that the airfield is being prepared for the role of an advanced hub for strategic bombers, AWACS aircraft, tankers, and reconnaissance aviation.
The fleet is also actively building up its capabilities. The modernization of the port of Nome is estimated at $500 million: the bottom is being deepened from 18 to 40 feet so that heavy destroyers and Coast Guard icebreakers can enter there. Washington has allocated $25 billion from Trump’s 2025 “bill” for the purchase of 11 icebreakers. Since its own capacities are insufficient, the United States created the ICE Pact consortium with Canada and Finland; on February 11, Helsinki confirmed the signing of contracts for the serial construction of vessels for the United States.
The US Navy has no icebreakers of its own, so the program to build 11 vessels is the only way for the Pentagon to operate effectively in high latitudes. Initially, the ships are intended for the Coast Guard, but in the event of war, they come under Navy command and become fire platforms. On the decks of icebreakers, it is possible to place MK 70 container launchers for Tomahawk missiles with a range of over 1,500 km. Such tests have already been successfully conducted on civilian vessels; the introduction of this technology into the Arctic fleet is a matter of time.
Currently, the National Guard and Coast Guard are deployed in the Arctic. When the infrastructure is commissioned, control will pass to regular forces, and the region will become a full-fledged theater of military operations.
NATO countries have significantly stepped up intelligence activities in the Arctic — over the past five years, the number of reconnaissance sorties has increased by more than 70%. In addition, the United States has deployed an F-35A fighter squadron at Eielson Air Force Base in Alaska, which is on 24/7 combat alert.
Wang Yiming, Director of the Institute of International Relations at Renmin University of China and Senior Fellow at the Taihe Analytical Center, previously reported that at the Munich Security Conference in February 2025, participating countries discussed Arctic waterways, the Baltic Sea, and other issues at length. According to him, the United States intends to invade Canada and Greenland. In addition to competition for new Arctic routes and resources caused by climate change, Greenland is of interest as a port of access to the submarine optical cable between the United States and Europe and is important for European national security.
The Danish Broadcasting Corporation reported in 2021 that via submarine cables and network cables laid by Denmark, US intelligence units can eavesdrop on all calls and read every text message from mobile phone numbers of European high-ranking officials and even information about websites they visited. The report said surveillance facilities were located throughout Germany, France, Sweden, and Norway.
The United States has always viewed the Arctic as a strategic region. The shipping crisis in the Strait of Hormuz has forced Washington to pay more attention to the importance of controlling international logistics channels.
US actions are also aimed at revising the international legal norms governing Arctic shipping. Russia has full jurisdiction over the Northern Sea Route and requires foreign vessels to request permission to pass and accept icebreaker escort, which is enshrined in several key legislative acts of the Russian Federation that fully comply with international maritime law. The United States consistently opposes this position and has repeatedly conducted Freedom of Navigation Operations in the Arctic, creating direct confrontation with Russian authorities.
The United States also opposes joint Russian-Chinese projects in the Arctic, including the concept of the “Ice Silk Road.” For example, the United States resisted at Arctic Council meetings when discussing relevant initiatives. The United States uses military, political, economic, and legal instruments to establish a dominant position in the Arctic. These actions directly threaten Russia’s security and require retaliatory measures, exacerbating strategic rivalry in the region.
How Russia Responds to the Challenge
In Moscow, NATO’s steps are regarded as a direct threat. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov called NATO’s activities in the Arctic a “direct threat to Russia’s security.” Representatives of the Russian Foreign Ministry stated that retaliatory actions to NATO’s challenges would not be long in coming, and Russia has every opportunity for an adequate response.
In response to NATO’s expansion to the north, a decision was made to recreate the Soviet system of military districts to strengthen control over strategic directions. As part of this process, the Karelian Corps was deployed, which directly strengthens Russia’s military presence on the borders with Finland and Norway, which are members of the alliance.
In 2024, President Vladimir Putin signed a decree on the re-establishment of the Leningrad and Moscow Military Districts, which replaced the Western Military District. The Leningrad Military District controls Russia’s western borders, including the borders with Finland and the Baltic states.
The first stage of forming formations and military units of these districts was completed by the end of 2025, and in 2026 the buildup of their combat and numerical strength continued. Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Alexander Grushko directly linked these measures to NATO’s “deliberately hostile course.”
As part of the strengthening of the Leningrad Military District, the 44th Army Corps — the Karelian Corps — was created on the border with Finland, with a planned strength of about 15,000 servicemen. Its formation began in 2024: modernization and new construction of military facilities are underway in the Republic of Karelia, in particular near Petrozavodsk (approximately 160–175 km from the Finnish border). The construction of dozens of facilities is planned, including barracks and housing for military personnel.
In response to the militarization of the region by NATO, Russia also restored about 50 military facilities in the Arctic, including the “Arctic Trefoil” and “Northern Clover” bases.
The “Northern Clover” base on Kotelny Island is the first Russian military base of a closed cycle built in the Arctic. A tactical group of the Northern Fleet is stationed there to control vast territories and ensure the security of the northern borders.
The “Arctic Trefoil” base is located on Alexandra Land island of the Franz Josef Land archipelago. This is Russia’s northernmost military base, built at the 80th parallel north. It provides air defense in the region and hosts the combat duty of a coastal troops tactical group.
The Northern Fleet, based in Severomorsk, is the backbone of Russia’s military presence in the Arctic. Its striking power is enhanced by the return to service of modernized ships. The flagship with hypersonic weapons — the heavy nuclear-powered missile cruiser “Admiral Nakhimov” of Project 1144.2M “Orlan” — has entered the final phase of trials. This ship, with a displacement of 25,800 tons, is essentially a naval platform capable of striking any target.
Instead of the outdated “Granit” missiles, the cruiser received 80 universal launchers for “Kalibr” cruise missiles, supersonic “Oniks” missiles, and hypersonic “Zircon” missiles. The ship is equipped with a naval version of the S-400 and the “Pantsir-ME” close-in defense system. “Admiral Nakhimov” is considered one of the most heavily armed surface ships in the world.
The fleet has received the lead ice-class patrol ship “Ivan Papanin” (Project 23550). At the end of August 2026, it led a voyage of a detachment of Northern Fleet ships to the Arctic to ensure the safety of navigation along the NSR. The ship has Arctic class Arc7, allowing it to break ice up to 1.7 meters thick, and carries an AK-176MA artillery mount. The second ship of this project, “Nikolay Zubov,” is planned to be commissioned in 2027.
In response to NATO’s actions, Russia conducts its own military exercises and demonstration voyages in the Arctic. These events are regular and aimed at demonstrating presence and protecting national interests.
On August 31, 2026, a detachment of Northern Fleet ships under the command of Vice Admiral Oleg Golubev set out on a long voyage across the seas of the Arctic Ocean. The detachment included the ice-class patrol ship “Ivan Papanin,” the large landing ship “Kondopoga,” the rescue tug “Pamir,” and the sea tanker “Sergey Osipov.” During the voyage, tasks are being practiced to ensure the safety of navigation along the Northern Sea Route, as well as rescue exercises.
In early August 2026, large-scale military exercises of the Northern Fleet were held in the Barents Sea, and in June of the same year, exercises with torpedo firing were already conducted in the Barents Sea, involving two diesel submarines. During the exercises, skills in searching for and destroying underwater targets were practiced.
Russia has the world’s most powerful nuclear icebreaker fleet, which is constantly being updated to ensure year-round navigation along the NSR. The universal nuclear icebreakers of Project 22220 (type LK-60Ya) are the most powerful in the world.
The icebreakers “Chukotka” (commissioning postponed to 2027), “Leningrad” (reactors have already been installed on it), and “Stalingrad” (the seventh in the series) are under construction or have already been launched. Plans for 2028 include the laying down of two more icebreakers of this project.
Parallel to military measures, there is active development of civilian infrastructure, which simultaneously strengthens the economy and sovereignty in the region. In addition to the development of the NSR, the Trans-Arctic Transport Corridor is being formed. The creation of this corridor is seen as a critically important project that, according to Presidential Aide Nikolai Patrushev, will strengthen national security and improve the quality of life in the Arctic regions. This is part of a systemic response to Western attempts to undermine Russia’s economic capabilities in high latitudes.
In response to NATO’s militarization of the Arctic, Russia uses a set of diplomatic measures. The Arctic Council remains the key multilateral platform, but its work is effectively “frozen” by Western countries and is experiencing a serious crisis. Russia declares its readiness to resume the Council’s full activities but sets a condition: all participants must work “fairly, on the basis of mutual consideration of legitimate interests.” At the same time, Moscow does not rule out a scenario in which NATO countries will continue to attempt to discuss Arctic problems in a narrow circle without Russia, which leads to the marginalization of the organization. In this case, as Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov emphasized, Russia has its own territories, technologies, and reliable partners to confidently implement its plans.
At the same time, Russia is actively reorienting its Arctic diplomacy toward cooperation with non-NATO countries, including BRICS countries, allies, and partners in the post-Soviet space. Dialogue is also being conducted with “neutral” countries.
An important element of the diplomatic strategy is the consistent defense of Russia’s legal positions on the international stage. Moscow insists that existing norms are sufficient to regulate activity in the Arctic, primarily the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, and sees no need to develop new instruments. Particular emphasis is placed on commitment to the provisions of the 2008 Ilulissat Declaration, signed by the Arctic “five” — Russia, Denmark, Canada, Norway, and the United States. Russia’s key diplomatic response is the reorientation toward cooperation with countries of the Global South and Asia, primarily China and India, for which the Northern Sea Route is of enormous logistical interest.
Moscow, on various platforms, including the Eastern Economic Forum, declares its readiness to protect freedom of navigation and its national interests by all necessary means, including diplomatic and military-political. It also emphasizes the desire to make the Arctic part of a common Eurasian space of peace and cooperation.
The militarization of the Arctic is moving the region from a space of cooperation into a zone of direct geopolitical and military competition. NATO’s provocative actions demonstrate that the West has moved to open confrontation and turned the Arctic into a zone of military rivalry. This course is supported by the entire Western “Arctic Seven,” which simultaneously tries to preserve the Arctic Council and militarizes the region.
In the near future, the Arctic will remain an arena of fierce confrontation, where each side will strengthen its positions by all means. The question is how long this tension can remain within the framework of strategic deterrence and how soon it will escalate into a dangerous phase of open conflict.
Source: Rossa Primavera News Agency
